If so, they didn't get it: The ruling Cambodian People's Party of strongman Hun Sen will remain in power and its control over the state apparatus remains intact. The fundamental problems of instability, repression and economic stagnation remain firmly in place. 

Hopes that the election would pave the way for political stability have been dashed by cries of vote-counting fraud from the CPP's two main rivals, widespread allegations of voter intimidation, and reports of retribution against opposition supporters. Despite this, the election was declared "free and fair" by teams of foreign observers. 

With the international community's stamp of approval, Hun Sen can look forward to Cambodia regaining its seat in the United Nations, imminent membership of Asean and the resumption of foreign aid suspended after he seized power in a coup in July last year. In other words, the international legitimacy he craves. What's far less certain is whether the CPP's victory will translate into what the majority of Cambodians crave: peace and stability.  

According to preliminary results, the CPP was projected to win around 64 seats in the 122-seat national assembly--a majority, but not the two-thirds needed to form a government. That means Hun Sen will have to form a coalition with Prince Norodom Ranariddh's Funcinpec party, which is expected to win 43 seats. The other major contender, the party of former Finance Minister Sam Rainsy, is likely to win about 15 seats. 

In meetings with CPP officials after the election, according to party insiders, Hun Sen vowed that he would retain control of five key ministries--defence, interior, finance, justice and foreign affairs--leaving the lesser portfolios for his coalition partner. That means he will keep the guns and money, where real power lies in Cambodia, and will be able to dictate how the new government is formed. Excluded from power in any meaningful sense, the other parties will have little choice but to seek ways to bring about Hun Sen's downfall.  

Few of these complexities were comprehended by the international observers who descended on Cambodia for a few days straddling the poll. With a strategy apparently to endorse the election at any cost, that's just what they did: The 500 members of the Joint International Observer Group pronounced the election "free and fair" only a day after the polling and while counting was still under way. It was exactly what Hun Sen needed to consolidate his grip on power.  

According to representatives of the observer group, the push for an early "free and fair" verdict came from the Asean countries and France. Asean officials could hardly contain their enthusiasm for the whole exercise, warts and all: "It is a question of having this maverick state within Asean rather than outside," explained an Asean ambassador in Phnom Penh. "If it's left out, it is susceptible to the influence of outside powers." 

Many Western officials were in an equally back-slapping mood. Former U.S. congressman Stephen Solarz, head of the American observer team, on July 28 called the election the "miracle on the Mekong" despite the fact that vote-counting--on which many of the charges of fraud were focused--had still to be completed. 

But one senior Western official resident in Phnom Penh was clearly appalled at the indecent haste: "They have committed themselves so strongly and so fast--even though the election didn't show in any way this country has become more democratic," he says of the observers, who came from 40 countries and regional blocs. "They were too few, too inexperienced and not thorough enough, and local observers were intimidated."  

Now that the foreign observers have gone home, many opposition supporters are fearful of what Hun Sen's security apparatus will do to them. "The sense of foreboding among opposition party activists is palpable," the human-rights organization Amnesty International said in a July 31 statement. "The only thing they cannot understand is the apparent indifference of the international community to their plight." 

Indignation at the international observers was almost tangible on the streets of Phnom Penh. For example, after Solarz's "miracle on the Mekong" statement, broadcast on radio, a group of foreigners visiting Funcinpec headquarters had to be protected by security guards. Angry party supporters were convinced that the international community had colluded with Hun Sen to rig the election results. U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright later issued a statement calling Solarz's verdict "premature"--an effective retraction designed to calm the hostile mood in Phnom Penh. 

Ranariddh and Rainsy have said they will boycott the formation of a new government until there are vote recounts in districts where they claim CPP candidates won through fraud. They also threaten to boycott the national assembly. How long their solidarity lasts remains to be seen: Ranariddh's senior aides believe he will settle for a position in a CPP-led government--such as president of the national assembly--as long as he isn't personally answerable to Hun Sen.  

Hun Sen is likely to face more formidable opposition from his nemesis, Rainsy. "I shall never accept to be in a government led by the mafia," Rainsy told the REVIEW on August 1. "I want to dismantle the communist-type system, where the ruling political party structures and state structures are intertwined." He added that he wanted to rid the country of "the mafia network, the drug-traffickers, the money-launderers and Cambodia as a shelter for criminal activity."  

The international community will probably wait for a new government to be installed before formally embracing the election outcome. The current government doesn't have to step down until September 24, when its mandate expires. Cambodia's induction into Asean could come as early as September. And the return of its seat in the UN--left vacant since the coup--appears certain when the General Assembly convenes in late September.  

Local business people and aid workers in Phnom Penh hope that with international approval will come a reversal in Cambodia's economic fortunes. Since the coup, foreign investment has plummeted, the currency has lost half its value and foreign aid has been curtailed. 

Apart from giving Hun Sen a semblance of legitimacy, little appears likely to change as a result of the election. As leading Cambodian scholar Steve Heder says: "If the international community thought that this strategy would bring long-term stability to Cambodia, they were wrong." And if that proves to be the case, the overwhelming turnout on polling day will go down as just another twist in Cambodia's tormented history.